nee, wir schieben deine interpretation beiseite und bleiben beim thema:
nazis in russland, die seit jahren ausländische studenten jagen, bevor kasparov in die politik ging. ?(
Druckbare Version
Ich bin mal so frei...:
Economist Print Edition.Zitat:
For all that, Georgia will survive the confrontation. But can Russia? The Kremlin's escalation of it is an extreme example of another Soviet habit Mr Putin has inherited: using foreign enemies as scapegoats and tools in domestic politics. Past targets have included America, Ukraine, and foreign do-gooders allegedly engaged in espionage. This row comes as anxiety mounts over the question of the succession to Mr Putin when his second (and supposedly final) presidential term ends in 2008. A foreign threat, even a bogus one, will help keep the electorate pliant, whatever the Kremlin decides to do.
This scaremongering is matched by the Kremlin's shifting stance towards xenophobic nationalism, already starkly manifest in a plague of racist murders by skinheads (often un- or under-punished). An anti-Caucasian riot in Kondopoga in northern Russia last month was what once would have been called a pogrom.
Until recently, the Kremlin has tried to “ride the tiger” of extreme nationalism, as Dmitri Trenin, of the Carnegie think-tank in Moscow, puts it, through a risky double strategy: portraying itself as a bulwark against extremism, but also trying to harness nationalist instincts for its own ends. It is widely thought to have created the nationalist Motherland party to siphon votes away from the Communists. (Motherland is now being merged with two other parties into what will become the main “opposition”—almost certainly a completely loyal one). Mr Putin seems now to be giving the tiger freer rein.
For example, he last week enjoined his ministers to protect the interests of “Russia's native population” against the ethnic gangs who, he said, control the street markets. Such gangs are “a reality”, says the Kremlin's Mr Peskov, in justification. But after a racist bombing in a Moscow market killed a dozen people in August, Mr Putin's remarks were at best inadvisable; and in what is—however much some ethnic Russians might wish otherwise—a multi-ethnic country, potentially disastrous.
So, in a different way, might be the growing squeeze on foreign energy firms. Big investments are running into trouble, and after years of dangling the carrot of outside involvement in the giant offshore Shtokman gasfield, Gazprom, the state-run gas giant, now says it will go it alone.
The state's attitude to both business and Georgia demonstrates Mr Putin's failure to create the “dictatorship of the law” that he once promised. Untrammelled by normal constraints such as an independent judiciary or a genuine opposition, the Kremlin makes and breaks laws as it pleases. The growth of racist violence is both evidence and result of a broader lawlessness. Lack of faith in government institutions, and especially in the police, says Eduard Ponarin of St Petersburg's European University, leads some to seek other forms of redress. A recent string of high-profile contract-killings—of a top central banker and of an engineer for a gas company that is in dispute with the government—are another sign of this lawlessness.
Rußland hat eigentlich noch größere Probleme mit Nichtrussen als Deutschland.
Deutsche Studenten gehören allerdings nicht zu den Gejagten, da braucht man sich also keine Gedanken zu machen.